A Syntactic Map of DPs in Romanian

In recent years, syntactic literature distanced
itself from head movement in favour of phrasal
movement, particularly in the case of DP-internal
syntax. This book argues for the relevance of head
movement in accounting for DP-internal syntax in
Romanian. This is done by providing a syntactic map
of the structure and movements in Romanian DPs, from
the lower domain, the base position of N, to the DP
domain. First, it is argued that the affixation of
the definite article is derived by head movement of
the host, N or A, to D. Further, it is claimed that
postnominally surfacing APs are merged to the left
or to the right of the noun and the [N AP ComplNP]
word order is derived by head movement of N. Here,
the evidence hinges on the relative scope among APs.
Finally, it is proposed that cel heads a modifier
phrase, celP, where prenominal celP has the same
syntactic distribution and properties as
demonstratives, including the ability to license a
covert definite D; conversely, postnominal celP
lacks this property. This book is relevant for those
interested in the DP-internal syntax of Romance and
Balkan languages, X vs. XP movement and definiteness.

Autorentext
Mona-Luiza Ungureanu, Ph.D.: Graduated from the Department of Linguistics at McGill University. She teaches university courses in Theoretical Linguistics, Language Acquisition and TESL. Her research centers on syntax and its interfaces with morphology, semantics and pragmatics; research interests also include Second Language Acquisition.

Klappentext
In recent years, syntactic literature distanced itself from head movement in favour of phrasal movement, particularly in the case of DP-internal syntax. This book argues for the relevance of head movement in accounting for DP-internal syntax in Romanian. This is done by providing a syntactic map of the structure and movements in Romanian DPs, from the lower domain, the base position of N, to the DP domain. First, it is argued that the affixation of the definite article is derived by head movement of the host, N or A, to D. Further, it is claimed that postnominally surfacing APs are merged to the left or to the right of the noun and the [N AP ComplNP] word order is derived by head movement of N. Here, the evidence hinges on the relative scope among APs. Finally, it is proposed that cel heads a modifier phrase, celP, where prenominal celP has the same syntactic distribution and properties as demonstratives, including the ability to license a covert definite D; conversely, postnominal celP lacks this property. This book is relevant for those interested in the DP-internal syntax of Romance and Balkan languages, X vs. XP movement and definiteness.